Analystics Analysis

Task IV Please analyze the theme of the poem, using the speech act hypotheses we have discussed in class. Please pay attention to the change of syntax in the second half of the poem. As the first part of the poem is imperatives and the theme of the poem is elegy, I firstly regard it as an advice or consolation, the poet advising others not to be bothered to find the traces of the person who died. A common condolence is generally soothing and pacifying, describing how the deceased will rest in peace, however, in this case the poet depicts with very unfavorable words, such as â€Å"brittle†, â€Å"cold†, and â€Å"angry†, which is by no means reassuring or encouraging. Then I guess maybe it is a lament in which the poet uses uncomfortable words to give full vent to his sadness and resentment about his friend’s death. The second half of the poem changes from imperatives to declarative statements, depicting what happens to the deceased after the death. According to the poet, the deceased still doesn’t get peacefulness but, luckily, becomes an integral part of nature. Taking the two parts into consideration, I think the poem is a lament at the beginning and a placation for both others and the poet himself in the end. ELEGY Leonard Cohen Do not look for him In brittle mountain streams: They are too cold for any god; And do not examine the angry rivers For shreds of his soft body Or turn the shore stones for his blood; But in the warm salt ocean He is descending through cliffs Of slow green water And the hovering coloured fish Kiss his snow-bruised body And build their secret nests In his fluttering winding-sheet.

Pedro Calungsod

MOVIE REVIEW(Pagsusuri ng Pelikula)While Calungsod’s importance in our country’s history is indisputable, his significance as a compelling subject for a feature length film is an entirely different matter. If the film’s narrative is anything to go on, Calungsod’s life is nothing more than a series of drudging sermons that ultimately lead to an untimely death on the beach. The film itself does its best to remain faithful to the historical events surrounding Calungsod’s missionary work, focusing on his life in the Marianas in an effort to baptize the local Chamorro natives. But the end result feels more like a dispassionate history lesson than a compelling cinematic experience.PEDRO CALUNGSODâ€Å"The Filipino Saint†THE MOVIEBUOD(Summary)Pedro Calungsod is a teenage Saint. He Was Killed in Guam at a Very Young age.But Despie his Youthfulness,he was a man of Character,he was responsible in his Duties at Catechesist,he was firm in depending his f aith and he was steadfast in in shielding his friends. Saint Pedro Calungsod (c. 1654 – April 2, 1672) is a Filipino Roman Catholic martyr who was killed while doing missionary work in Guam in 1672. He was beatified on March 5, 2000, by Pope John Paul II. As a skilled sacristan and teacher of cathecism, he was a companion of Blessed Diego Luis de San Vitores to the Marianas Islands. Through their efforts, many receive the sacraments especially that of baptism.A man named Choco became envious of the prestige that the missionaries were gaining among the Chamorros. He started to spread rumors that the baptismal water of the missionaries was poisonous. Because some sickly Chamorro infants who had been baptized died, many believed Choco and eventually apostatized. Choco found an ally in the local medicine man, Macanjas, and the Urritaos, young native men who were given to some immoral practices. These, along with the apostates, began to persecute the missionaries, many of whom wer e killed.At around seven o'clock that morning, Padre Diego and Pedro Calungsod went to the village of Tomhon in Guam because they were told that a baby girl was just born in the village. They went to ask Matapang, the child's father, to bring the baby out for baptism. Matapang had been a Christian and a friend of the missionaries but had apostatized. He angrily refused to have his baby christened. Those who personally knew Pedro believed that he would have defeated his aggressors and would have freed both himself and Padre Diego if only he had some weapon. But Padre Diego never allowed his companions to carry arms. The faith that was planted in the Marianas in 1668 did not die with Padre Diego, Pedro Calungsod and the first missionaries.It grew, thanks to the blood of the martyrs and the perseverance of the succeeding missionaries. Today, Blessed Pedro Calungsod intercedes for the young, in particular those of his native Philippines, and he challenges them. Young friends, do not hes itate to follow the example of Pedro, who ‘pleased God and was loved by him’ and who, having come to perfection in so short a time, lived a full life.† The feast of Blessed Pedro is celebrated every 2 April, the anniversary of his martyrdom.If the date falls within Holy Week or Easter Week, the feast is observed on the Saturday before Passion Sunday as was 2 April in 1672. On 21 October 2012, Pope Benedict XVI, in a solemn ceremony at Saint Peter’s Basilica, will inscribe the name of Blessed Pedro Calungsod in the Canon or list of Saints and from then on, the teenage Visayan martyr will be invoked as Saint Pedro Calungsod or San Pedro Calungsod.REFLECTION Tama ba ang Napanuod ko?NAME: DELA CRUZ, Gay SUBJECT: Philippine History and Nationalism TIME: 8:30-10:00AM MOVIE REVIEWNot so long ago, I finally came into a certain understanding that Filipino films will always be inclined into ‘melodrama': The sappy music, intense displays of physical animation to accompany the drama, and of course, tears. It's a nauseating phenomenon in the Philippine movie industry when  absolutely done the wrong way. But thank god there are films such as â€Å"Tatlong Taong Walang Diyos† to serve as timeless testaments to the magic that ‘melodrama' can create and manifest within one's senses and emotions, from simple to complex, when done perfectly.The film started with Hitler's rhyming, mouth-foaming speech regarding the strength of his socialist party. Being set in the times of the Second World War, the film unveils like how a history text book would for a student. But after this run-of-the-mill introduction, its story unfolds like how a poet affects to even the farthest of souls.In plain sight, the film may look like your typical ‘love caught by the tides of war' and a period vehicle for its star and producer, Nora Aunor. Granted, the love story arc is already established prior to the complications of the narrative, but I am deeply surprised and pleasured how complex the film really was.TATLONG TAONG WALANG DIYOS

Abraham Lincoln Bio Essay Example for Free

Abraham Lincoln Bio Essay ? Since his death in 1865, Abraham Lincoln has been immortalized as one of, if not the greatest hero in American history due to his role in ending the Civil War and abolishing slavery. He led our country through its’ darkest days and was able to prevent the south from successfully seceding and preserving the United States. Throughout history many have been called heroes, some deservedly and others not. Lincoln’s recognition as a hero is valid because of his many achievements and his leadership style. Lincoln was born in February 1809, in Kentucky. His early life was difficult, losing his mother to illness at 9 years old. The family was poor and Lincoln needed to work to help support them. As a result, he had very little formal education, but it was this hard work and humble beginnings that ignited the spark in Lincoln to learn. When he was a young man the family moved to Illinois and it was there that Lincoln learned the law and became interested in local politics. In 1834 he was elected to the Illinois State Legislature. He taught himself the law, was admitted to the Bar in 1836 and also began a career as a successful lawyer. Between 1847 and 1849 he served one term in the U.S. House of Representatives. As a result of the increased opposition to slavery, the Republican Party was born and Lincoln joined the party in 1856. It was his anti-slavery views and the continuing passing of laws to protect slavery that further sparked his interest in politics. He ran unsuccessfully for the U.S. Senate but obtain national exposure from the race due to his unique communication and debating techniques. It was this exposure that found him as a candidate for President in 1860. He was elected the 16th President of the United States and the first President from the Republican Party. Because of his well-known views on slavery, the  secessionists began their plans to split from the Union prior to his taking office. The Civil Was began in April of 1861 with the attack on Fort Sumter in South Carolina. Almost immediately in his role as President, Lincoln was faced with the most challenging situation of any President prior to him. His decision-making and communication skills, though unpopular at times, would be a vital part of his success over the next several years. Lincoln possessed strong social intelligence skills. He was sensitive to other people’s feelings and moods, and he was particularly adept at reading people. Lincoln had a great ability in understanding the motivations of others, and was skillful at getting others to cooperate with him. He knew to be pleasant and approachable while also being fierce when fighting for causes he believed in. One tool that Lincoln would use was storytelling. He would use stories from his past which would put people at ease while at the same time relaying his point in a clear way. Another method he would use was to ask questions to get his rivals to see things his way. His communication style and speeches were simple and logical. Abraham Lincoln’s most famous speech was the Gettysburg Address given in 1863 at the dedication of the National Cemetery after the battle at Gettysburg. The speech last just over two minutes and was an example of how Lincoln understood his audience. There had been much â€Å"Pomp and Circumstance† throughout the ceremony and many long speeches prior to his. The words he chose were short and to the point, but were full of inspiration and emotion. The speech focused on the principles of the founding fathers of our nation and the words from the Declaration of Independence that â€Å"all men are created equal† and that all men have the unalienable rights to the pursuit of life, liberty and happiness. One of the main things Lincoln wanted to accomplish with this speech, was to rally support for the 13th Amendment, which would abolish slavery and was in jeopardy of failing to pass in Congress. Lincoln again used his influence as a communicator to get the 13th Amendment passed. He would spend hours with his political rivals building relationships. It was important that he understood their perspectives on the issues and would give them the opportunity to express their views and needs. His approach was thoughtful and personal. This bill was met with much opposition and it took great skill and tenacity on Lincoln’s part to insure its passage. Many Presidents since Lincoln have also faced challenges when trying to pass  legislature, among them our current President Barack Obama. Whether or not you are a supporter of our current President aside, some similarities can be seen between the two. As was the case with Lincoln, Obama is known for his listening skills, and taking in ideas from all sides. He is a skilled orator and there is a strong sense of morality in his tone when speaking. There are many references to President Lincoln in Obama’s speeches which show the influence the former President has on him. Abraham Lincoln led our nation through one of its most turbulent times. He used his communication skills and understanding of people to obtain success. His ability to talk to people and understand what they stood for while moving them to see things his way led him to be regarded as one of our greatest Presidents. A-E Networks. Abraham lincoln – biography [Web log message].

THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY - Essay Example The two lawyer had another had another case challenging the Affordable Care Act, but the rule ruled in favor of the Obama administration with a vote of 5 to 4 vote (Liptak). Clement argue that the Affordable Care Act requires a majority of employers to provide female employees with comprehensive cover for varieties of contraception methods available in the market. However, under the Affordable Health Act, small employers and religious employers are exempted from covering their employees on contraception (U.S Department of Health and Human Services). Moreover, religious affiliated organizations or group do not need provide their workers with contraceptive cover. The plaintiff told the bench that including insurance coverage for contraceptives promotes equality in the health care provision and ensure that women has access to quality birth control methods. Moreover, offering comprehensive contraceptive insurance ensure that women would be able to prepare for their family until when they are ready to have children (Liptak). Liptak, Adam. "Supre Court Hears Cases on Contraception Rule." 25 March 2014. The New York Times. 17 April 2014 . U.S Department of Health and Human Services. 17 April 2014. 18 April 2014

Influence of Confucianism on the Han Dynasty Essay

Influence of Confucianism on the Han Dynasty - Essay Example Confucianism became quite popular under the Han dynasty and influenced it greatly in terms of politics, history, education, law, and the role of women. According to Spodek, Confucianism influenced politics in the Han dynasty by changing the hierarchy of power within society. In a Confucian society, scholars were the most powerful, â€Å"followed by farmers, artisans, and merchants†(Spodek). In this new hierarchy, scholars had the most influence over how the Han empire ran on a day to day basis. Confucianism also had a great impact on history and its importance within the Han dynasty. According to Spodek, court historians were utilized in a much greater capacity than in previous dynasties. This change was due to the fact that Confucianism emphasized the â€Å"importance of tradition and continuity†(Spodek, 2006). This emphasis, therefore, dictated that histories should be documented more frequently and carefully. Education and law were other areas that were especially influenced by Confucianism. Within the Han dynasty, special schools were set up to teach Confucian principles(Spodek, 2006). Spodek states that â€Å"the emperor declared that the knowledge of Confucian classics would be a basis for promotion in the imperial civil service†(Spodek, 2006). This was a significant change as before the shift to Confucianism, only the aristocracy was really brought into the imperial civil service(Spodek, 2006). Law also changed as Confucian scholars were given the power to change and inform the laws within the Han dynasty in order to reflect Confucian principles(Spodek, 2006). Lastly, the role of women was influenced by Confucianism. According to Spodek, Confucianism taught that women were inferior and should dedicate themselves to serving men such as their brothers, fathers, and husbands(Spodek, 2006). Confucianism established the way women should behave in that they were seen as subservient to the males within their society.

Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 34

Essay Example This study will focus on one nation, the Iroquois, as a prime example. The Iroquois people, who called themselves Haudenosaunee envisioned their Nation as being one giant family. In truth they created a governing body that was a family of nations. The name, Haudenosaunee, which is used to refer to this Iroquois nation, means literally, "People of the Longhouse." They built long houses that were large structures creating a long hall and became the meeting place for local and distant chieftains and other dignitaries to speak, make laws, give announcements, etc. Some of these structures were hundreds of feet long for meeting of all the nations, while single villages’ were less than fifty feet in length. However, the width and height of longhouses varied only slightly. Haudenosaunee longhouses were usually between twenty and thirty feet wide and the apex of their roofs were generally between eighteen to twenty feet high. The true center of longhouse family relationships revolved around the fireside family. (Johnson, 2003, p. 12) In fact their many c enturies old culture may have actually been the first congress of democracy in the America’s long before the Declaration of Independence or the United States Constitution. The Iroquois Nation was bound together by what is probably the worlds first constitution, known as the Gayanashagowa (Great Law of Peace). They are also touted as being the first true participatory democracy on the planet. (Benner, 2005, p. 32) They formed a United Nations among themselves. While our very recent constitution states that â€Å"all men are created equal,† in practice if certain people have something you need and do not want to give it up, then suddenly they are no longer people, savages and not men, but animals. While there had always been many disputes over the Native American, the Iroquois would find that in 1785 New York and its then Governor, George Clinton, along with a company called The New York Genesee

Land Law Outline Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Land Law - Outline Example In Ashburn Anstalt v Arnold, Fox LJ’s judgment confirms that based on principle, licences do not indicate â€Å"tenancy interest or interest in the land† on the part of the licencee; therefore, they cannot bind third parties as a result of this. On the other hand, when a piece of land is given out as a lease, the landlord does not have the power to terminate the occupancy of the land on short notice (Netlawman, 2011). This means that tenant has the right of occupancy until the period of lease elapses. However, in Ashburn Anstalt v Arnold, it is clear that when a tenant is expected not to pay a rent, there is not legal relationship between him/her and the landlord. The landlord holds the licence, which he or she can revoke at anytime. And when this happens, the tenant has no power to challenge this decision in court because there has been no legal agreement between the landlord and him/her. Invariably, the tenant has not expressed interest in the occupancy of the accommo dation and hence could not claim any damages due to the revocation of the licence by the landlord. On the other hand, a tenant would show his or her interest in an accommodation by entering into a legal agreement. For the flat Andrew rent out to Beth, Catherine and Daniel, he created an interest of collective leasees in them, meaning that if he decides to sell his freehold to the flats, Beth, Catherine and Daniel have to buy the flats and become collective landlords. Even though it was just an oral agreement, they have the right to stay in the accommodation for the length of time agreed upon in the terms of tenancy which, in this case, is two years. Oral agreements are as binding as the written ones; but since court require believable pieces of evidence, it may be difficult to prove in court that an agreement has truly been entered into between the landlord and the tenant (Williston and Lord, 1999). In other words, it will be impossible for Andrew to terminate th

Title 5 response Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Title 5 response - Essay Example In order to ensure that the requirements of the tittle are actually fulfilled, there is the Congress which is an arm of the government mandated to the role of checking not only the Executive branch but also that the rest of the government is in accordance with the provided laws and guidelines. Title 5 is also not only a clear indication of the well-oiled systems of government but also a form of guidelines to the employees themselves who are in government service including those in federal work. These guidelines also act as their job security in case of any disputes regarding the issues discussed in the title such as terms of employment like training, educational qualifications, pay, code of conduct among other issues which are not usually paid much attention to by employers and employees in the private sector. The title also shows evidence (in the lack of rigidity) of the flexible nature of government when it comes to accommodating and implementing changes in the

Research proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words - 3

Research Proposal Example In this research I will be using Alveson’s situational approach theory as it will enable me get an in-depth view and perception on meaning of leadership sharing (Alvesson, 1997). My proposal topic is ‘situational analysis of shared leadership in a self managing team’. This topic means that some people have no leaders at their workplace thus share leadership roles among themselves especially in self managing teams (Hicks & Bone, 1990). The aim of this proposal is to identify how self managing teams define leadership in their work meetings and work plans. In addition, this proposal aims to show how self managing teams determine the direction of the whole team towards their project and also the self managing team’s relationships, team identity and individual’s team member’s identities. Furthermore, the proposal aims at identifying the constraints faced by self managing teams by different factors like social factors, gender, cultural backgrounds and ethnicity. Leadership is a very tricky affair especially for self managing teams as they are bound to be conflicts. However, according to Alvesson (1996), situational approach gives leadership the team accomplishment which does not follow the norm of doing what the leader proposes (Alvesson, 1996). What makes this proposal interesting is the idea that leaders have always had a problem with leadership. There have been cases of suicides, failed projects, lost money and dysfunctional cases in many organizations. This negative situation befalls these companies because of their leaders and their leadership skills. In this proposal I will be doing a literature review, I will formulate some research questions, discussing methods used, and a conclusive conclusion. The proposal research will take up to two months of research and two hours per day for the two months. I have narrowed my research to a particular team of family run food joint. This

High Cost of Poverty in the United States Essay Example for Free

High Cost of Poverty in the United States Essay Poverty can be defined in many different ways. In certain attempts, it can be used in numbers, while other definitions can be more vague, and used to define a life style. The defined term of poverty is â€Å"the state of one who lacks a usual or socially acceptable amount of money or material possessions†. (Mirriam Webster, 2011) According to the U.S. Census Bureau, more than 37 million people live below the poverty line. â€Å"The ranks of Americas poor swelled to almost 1 in 6 people last year, reaching a new high as long-term unemployment left millions of Americans struggling and out of work. The number of uninsured edged up to 49.9 million, the biggest in more than two decades.† (Yen, 2011) Poverty is obviously very common in our country, and all over the world. Even with the United States being the wealthiest country in the world, we still have many Americans who struggle everyday to survive. The topic I chose to focus on is the high cost of poverty, and how it actually costs more to be poor. Although it seems like an oxymoron, it is a very realistic topic. I chose this topic because I have personally been involved in both sides of economic statuses. Although I do not live in extreme poverty, I technically have an income that falls within the line of poverty, but I do not have a family to support and have student loans to live off of. I wanted to know further detail of how those who only experience poverty, have limited choices, and how their disadvantages actually cost them more money. My personal life experience is one from an upper middle class family, and was raised in a wealthy suburb in a predominately white community. My family never had financial struggles, so I had no experience with battling bills. I worked in high school and had my own money, but I had nothing to pay for. I thought I made a decent amount of money making $7 an hour, and only working 15-20 hours a week. For a person with no bills or rents to pay for, $150-200 a week was a lot to me. Recently, I moved out of my parent’s suburban home and into the city to be closer to school and gain some independence as an adult. I make about $250-400 a week, depending on the activity of the restaurant I waitress at. I soon realized that I am very dependent on my two roommates to split bills and rent, because I could never afford to live on my own. Although we live in a low income neighborhood, the cost of food, rent, electric, heat and cable bills stack up, and I struggle to pay them. I also only pay one third of the full cost. I have a car I need to put gas in, a gym membership I pay monthly and credit card bills every month. I now see how people that make just as much, or less than I do, struggle even more to make ends meet when their income is at the head of the household. I wanted to show to people that it is more expensive to be poor, because of the lack of resources, income and credit, and also what their options become for survival due to these circumstances. I also did a quantitative study on renting versus owning an item, to show that it actually costs more to rent something than to purchase it upfront. I chose to sample the same three items from two different stores, and recording the prices to see the differences of renting and owning it. I am aware that most individuals in poverty, usually do not have enough money to purchase items or homes upfront so they often rent them, thinking they can afford weekly or monthly payments to stretch out their income to afford other life necessities. My first concept I chose to focus was access to food. I thought about how much I spend on the food I enjoy for just for me personally, and I think it is expensive. I enjoy fruits and fresh vegetables, brand name cereals and expensive breads. Since I grew up eating the certain brands, I continue to try and afford the things I like. Being an individual with a low income, I cannot imagine supporting not only myself, but a family solely on my income. In this research paper, I will explain the hardships of getting to and from the grocery store, and if you cannot, you need to shop elsewhere, such as corner stores.† Prices in urban corner stores are almost always higher, economists say. And sometimes, prices in supermarkets in poorer neighborhoods are higher. Many of these stores charge more because the cost of doing business in some neighborhoods is higher.† [ (Brown, 2009) ] This can lead to spending extra time, danger, stress, and in the end, costing the individual more money. It also forces those with less money to spend, higher risk for obesity. â€Å"Inequitable access to healthy foods is one mechanism by which socioeconomic factors influence the diet and health of a population†. (Drewnowski, 2009) Since they do not have the money to afford healthy choices, they must choose foods that they can stretch out in order to feed their families, even if it is not healthy. My next concept I chose to study was the price of minimum wage, and how it isn’t really the minimum coverage of standard living. In New York State, the minimum wage is $7.25. â€Å"About 20% of American adults who have jobs are earning less than $10.65 an hour. Even at 40 hours a week, that amounts to less than $22,314, which is the poverty level for a family of four†. [ (Isidore, 2011) ]. This simply states that a monthly income of about $1,000-$2,000 is almost impossible to survive on. This may lead to bad credit, forced into renting, and having people do dangerous or criminal activity to get money or items for their families. The poverty rate for all people disguises substantial variation between racial and ethnic subgroups. Poverty rates for blacks and Hispanics greatly exceed the national average. According to the United States Census Bureau, â€Å"In 2010, 27.4 percent of blacks and 26.6 percent of Hispanics were poor, compared to 9.9 percent of non-Hispanic whites and 12.1 percent of Asians.† (Bureau of the Census, 2011) Poverty rates are most often the highest for families headed by single women, particularly if they are black or Hispanic. â€Å"In 2010, 31.6 percent of households headed by single women were poor, while 15.8 percent of households headed by single men and 6.2 percent of married-couple households lived in poverty.† (Bureau of the Census, 2011). â€Å"The official poverty level is an annual income of $22,314 for a family of four â€Å". (Yen, 2011) On average, depending on the size of a household, a family living in poverty has an average income of less than $20,000. This can include couples with children, single parents with one or more children. Needless to say, this is not a lot of money to support a family on, and thus they have to take extra steps to survive, which results in higher costs, and contributing to the statement of the high cost of poverty. You have to be rich to be poor. This is what some people, who have never lived below the poverty line, dont understand. The poorer you are, the more things cost. Additional steps in money, time, hassle, exhaustion, and danger. This is a fact of life that television, magazines and media, do not often explain. Take for example, food. First, if you do not have a car, getting to the supermarket can take anywhere from one to three hours of public transportation, and costing a price to use the bus or a taxi. To use the method of public transportation, it is necessary to have to loa d all of your groceries into the bus, or taxi. This is limiting to space and capability of carrying all of the groceries. A simpler version of this would be to walk to the corner store, for free, but where the grocery selection is limited and prices are doubled. â€Å"Prices in urban corner stores are almost always higher, economists say. And sometimes, prices in supermarkets in poorer neighborhoods are higher. Many of these stores charge more because the cost of doing business in some neighborhoods is higher.† (Brown, 2009) Also, if you are living in poverty, you will most likely not be making enough money to buy $100 or more worth of groceries for your family. This results in the person or family spending more money, to either get to the grocery store, or paying more for the food to save money traveling to and from. In the end, it is a losing situation, and the poor are paying more in the end than someone who is wealthy and has access to the necessary resources. Spending more money than middle class, or wealthy class to buy groceries is one example of how high the cost of poverty is. If the poor is spending money in the corner stores, they are most likely not getting nutritious foods or healthy choices that most corner stores do not carry. Obesity is a direct result from that, seeing that unhealthy foods cost way less than healthy eating does.† Obesity and type 2 diabetes follow a socioeconomic gradient. Highest rates are observed among groups with the lowest levels of education and income and in the most deprived areas. Inequitable access to healthy foods is one mechanism by which socioeconomic factors influence the diet and health of a population†. (Drewnowski, 2009) Low income levels leave people no choice but to choose foods that are nutrient poor, because it is a price that can afford and something they can stretch out among their whole family to feed them. It is also the best way to provide daily calories at an affordable c ost. Those who are struggling financially are clearly the most disadvantaged when it comes to healthy eating habits. In our grocery stores today we have so many artificial sweeteners, preservatives, fats and sweets that are sure to taste good, but not good for our health. Fats and sweets tend to cost way less, where as healthy foods cost more. It makes no sense to have unhealthy foods cost less than healthy foods, but it is the manufacturing and production that determines the cost of foods. Therefore, those who do not have the money to purchase healthy options have to choose foods that fit in their budget. These are usually unhealthy, packaged, canned or frozen options that have little to no nutritional value. Even those families that have government support, welfare checks and food stamps are still on a restricted budget. The foods they are allowed to get for free or reduced price are items such as fruit juices, canned fruits, cereal, grits, and corn tortillas. These items are all packed with sugar and calories which is not aiding in healthy lifestyles. â€Å"Researchers have shown that low-income neighborhoods attract more fast-food outlets and convenience stores as opposed to full-service supermarkets and grocery stores† (Drewnowski, 2009). This also relates back to travel costs, transportation and affording food. Since it is easier to get to the corner stores, it is a disadvantage to the customers because the corner stores are usually just packed with unhealthy options. It is economic deprivation that is a key factor in obesity, and one key factor of weight gain may be low diet cost. Another example of how the high cost of poverty is, is the price of minimum wage and if it really acceptable to be the minimum wage you can survive on. Most people and experts agree that to get out of an economic slump, we need more jobs. But another problem is that millions of Americans already have jobs that dont pay very much. â€Å"About 20% of American adults who have jobs are earning less than $10.65 an hour. Even at 40 hours a week, that amounts to less than $22,314, which is the poverty level for a family of four†. (Isidore, 2011) In New York State, the federal minimum wage is $7.25. Minimum wage is supposed to be the wage in which it is the bare minimum amount of money that one can survive on. Even at 40 hours a week, that equals to be $290 without taxes taken out. This would be a paycheck of about $250 for one week, and this equals about $1000 a month. Taking into consideration that those who are the working poor, they need to spend more money getting to and from work, which also costs extra time. They also need to pay bills, feed themselves and their families. For an individual making $1,000 a month, this is almost impossible to survive on even in minimal conditions. An average cost of rent in Buffalo NY is fairly inexpensive, and taking into consideration that Buffalo on of the poorest cities in the United States, we have to be aware that there is many people in the city below the poverty line. According to Rentjungle.com, An average one bedroom apartment in Buffalo is $679 a month and two bedroom apartment rents average $750. To see this in comparison to another large city, one bedroom apartments in New York City rent for $2356 a month on average and two bedroom apartment rents average $2767. Minimum wage is clearly not enough to survive on if your average monthly income is $1000. Out of $1000 income, you have to set aside an average of $600 for rent, leaving you $400 for car fees, if you have one, or transportation fees if you depend on them. If your apartment does not include utilities, you need money for electric bill, gas bills, which can skyrocket in our area when it is winter, cable or internet if possible, and food budget. Another example of a disadvantage the poor have is the actual process of cashing their check to get their money. The rich or middle class usually have the option of direct deposit for their paychecks. The poor have check-cashing and payday loan joints, which cost time and money. The poor pay more for financial services, and many people who cannot be capable to have a bank account may have to pay extra money for a money order to pay their bills and cash their checks. â€Å"They may pay a 2 percent check-cashing fee because they dont have bank services. (Brown, 2009) Many people in poverty literally live paycheck to paycheck. If they have a bill that’s due, they do not have a luxury of online payments, because they cannot afford computers or internet, so they have to mail it. If they do not have the money in time for a bill, they have to wait for their next paycheck. This can cost late fees, and in an end result, spending more money than a person with those luxuries. While many people are surviving in this manner, people will look for any way to get by without spending their money. Many people in poverty may depend on credit cards to help them afford things they cannot. Credit cards can help out for temporary reasons, but if not paid off, this can cause more problems. People who are struggling to pay their bills will most likely have bad credit, and have no other option but to rent homes, items, and many other things they cannot afford, due to their credit and income. Bad credit also costs more money than those with good credit. If a person does not have enough money to pay off bills in full, they will get extra interest charges and fees that stack up and end up costing more for them. Since I did not have the option of going into homes of the people in poverty, I decided to do research on items, rather than homes, to compare the costs of rent to own. Poor people do not have the option of owning homes, because of their credit and/or income, so they have no choice but to rent. I wanted to see if the price you pay for being a low income individual actually costs you more, than to own something. This is to show that poverty does in fact cost more to live I chose to look at a refrigerator, a range and a television from two different department stores to compare prices on a rent versus owning the item. My first item, the refrigerator, a 25.3 cubic foot, Side-by-Side with thru-the Door Ice and Water, Black color, was $799.99 to own immediately from Best Buy. At Rent- A-Center, the same exact refrigerator was $37.99 to rent per week, for 91 weeks. At first, it seems like a cheap deal and a realistic price for those who do not have the $799.99 upfront to spend. When you do the math, $37.99 per week for 91 weeks is $3457 total to own after renting at the $37.99 per week. This is over four times the price it would cost to buy at Best Buy and own immediately. I also learned that consumers can get a â€Å"discounted† price by purchasing the item after 90 days, which seemed a little better to me. When I did the math again, it would equal out to be $1728 total to own after renting for 90 days. This is still about double the price of buying it immediately. My next item I compared was the range. A GE-30† Freestanding Electric Range, Black-on-Black Quickset III oven. At Best Buy this was $429.99 to own immediately. Rent-A-Center had the same oven for $24.99 to rent per week for 74 weeks. The total to own after renting for 74 weeks at $24.99 was $ 1849. After 90 days of renting, the total price to own would be $924.63. The prices are clearly different, but yet it seems manageable when you are there. Looking at a price of $25 a week for a nice, brand new stove seems pretty manageable if you have a low income. When you look at the math and how much it will actually cost to rent rather than own, it is actually over four times the original price to own the oven upfront. The last item I compared was a television, an Insignia © Advanced 42† Class/1080p/ 120Hz/ LCD. This item from Best Buy was $749.99 to own immediately. Rent-A-Center had the same television for $39.99 to rent per week, for 74 weeks. It seems like a reasonable, affordable price until you calculate it and realize that it would cost $2959 total to own after 74 weeks of renting. This is about four times the original price. After 90 days of renting, the â€Å"discount† price to own, at Rent-A-Center is $1479, still double the original price. All three of the items I chose to compare are most needed in homes, with the exception of the television. Although it is not a necessity, almost all homes have at least one television. When those who are living in poverty want to own these items, they will have struggles to afford paying them. They turn to the option of renting because they see the low price and it appeals that it is affordable to them. The small payments they think they can afford weekly add up and end up costing them quadruple of original prices. In conclusion, being poor is a struggle. It costs much more money and time to be poor. Working lots of hours and making little money takes a toll on many people here in the United States. I wanted to show readers that this is a very realistic topic to study, and that the cost of poverty is high. The obstacles and disadvantages those in poverty have to deal with are frustrating, stressful ,and in need of change. Poverty is a very difficult thing to understand and take control over because lifestyles cannot be forced upon. People choose their own paths of life, and lack of education, jobs, motivation, children and many other situations are uncontrollable. In our society, I think it is important to know the struggles of those in poverty stricken situations and to understand their hardships. This can be motivation to those in it, or headed towards it in their future. Learning about the costs and disadvantages poverty comes with can be a motivating factor for people to go to college and get an education to receive a well paying job, get a job in general, educate themselves about saving money, and learning that renting is not cheaper than owning. Hopefully my research will be beneficial to those in college, living on low income, to do well in school to gain better jobs, educate those in poverty about the costs they are spending and figuring new alternatives, and to open eyes to those that think it is cheap to be poor. Being in poverty costs time and the cost of poverty is certainly high. In the end, the high cost of poverty will be a never ending cycle of time and money and I hope this research paper opens the eyes of all individuals to help make this problem change. Bibliography Brown, D. L. (2009). The High Cost of Poverty: Why the Poor Pay More. Lexis Nexis Academic , A-4. Bureau of the Census. (2011). Income Alternative Poverty Estimates in the United States. Washington D.C: U.S Census Bureau. Drewnowski, A. (2009). Nutrition Reviews: Obesity, diets, and social inequalities. Seattle: University of Washington. Isidore, C. (2011, September 27). CNN Money. Retrieved November 15, 2011, from Not getting by on minimum wage: http://money.cnn.com/2011/09/27/news/economy/minimum_wage_jobs/index.htm Jason M. Sutherland, E. S. (2009). Getting Past Denial — The High Cost of Health Care in the United States. The New England Journal of Medicine , 1227-30. Mirriam Webster. (2011). Mirriam Webster Dictonary. Dictionary . Brittanica Company. Yen, H. (2011, September 13). Yahoo News. (A. Press, Ed.) Retrieved November 15, 2011, from Census: US poverty rate swells to nearly 1 in 6: http://news.yahoo.com/census-us-poverty-rate-swells-nearly-1-6-142639972.html

Increasing Cervical Screening for BME Women in the UK

Increasing Cervical Screening for BME Women in the UK It was not until 1988 that the NHS cervical screening programme began; since then it has proved to be a successful scheme in the detection and prevention of cervical cancer saving 4500 lives per year (NHS Cervical Screening Programme 2008, Care Commission 2008). Despite the effectiveness of smear tests, evidence shows that only 80% of women with cervical cancer would have had cervical screening (Bloomfield 2007 cited in Gannon and Dowling 2008). In 2007 2,828 new cases of cervical cancer were diagnosed in the UK, and worldwide there are 493,000 cases annually (Cancer research UK 2010a, Ashford and Collymore 2005). With the prevalence of cervical cancer increasing there are concerns with the uptake of cervical screening in the UK particularly among ethnic minority of women. Evidence by Moser et al (2009) has shown there is a low uptake of cervical screening in ethnic groups of women; British women were 1.35 to 3.42 times more likely to have a cervical smear in comparison with women from an ethnic minority. Although other factors such as age and socioeconomic as demonstrated in Moser et al (2009) have an impact on the uptake of cervical screening, ethnicity seems to be a significant influence. Cervical screening is offered to women aged 25-64 years old; for women aged 25-49 screening is at 3 year intervals and for women aged 50-64 it is every 5 years (DOH 2006). Although uptake of cervical screening is lower overall in ethnic minority groups, there are differences in the uptake between ethnic groups (Luke at al 1996, Webb et al 2004). The aim of this literature review is to discover how the uptake of cervical screening can be increased amongst ethnic minority women in the UK. In doing so the literature review sets out to identify ethnic womens beliefs and attitudes towards cervical screening, identify and evaluate ethnic womens barriers to cervical screening and to evaluate the interventions used to increase the uptake of cervical screening. A literature search was conducted using the search terms cervical smears, ethnic minorities, cancer , screening , barriers, knowledge , women , prevention, interventions and UK. As individual search terms did not provide a fruitful result of papers that were relevant, these search terms were combined as follows: cervical smears + women attitudes +UK cervical cancer prevention and screening +ethnic groups, cervical screening + interventions UK, cervical cancer + ethnic minorities UK, cervical screening + barriers UK cervical screening knowledge + ethnic minorities cervical smears + ethnic minorities The combined search terms were used in the search strategies of CINAHL, MEDLINE-via PubMed, BNI, Google Scholar and PsycArticles (see Appendix 1) A total of 11 studies (Appendix 2) were found with the inclusion criteria of primary research and research published after 1990. It was important that the literature reviewed old research as it was only in 1988 that national cervical screening was introduced and the issue of cervical screening in ethnic minorities has been on-going. Hence this enabled a comparison of how ethnic minority views on cervical screening have changed over time. The exclusion criteria were primary research published outside the UK. This was due to the unfamiliarity with methods of cervical screening outside the UK. The use of electronic searching did not yield as many research as hoped for, furthermore it was very hard to find research on interventions that were tested on ethnic minority groups of women. Cervical cancer is the second most common cancer in women under age 35 in the UK (Bedford, 2009). As the name suggests cervical cancer is cancer of the cervix. The cervix (neck of the womb) is part of the female reproductive system and connects the uterus to the vagina. The cervix has many functions: during menstruation it allows the passage of blood flow and during childbirth it dilates for the baby to pass through the uterus and into the vagina (Cancer Research UK 2010b). The cells of the cervix can develop to pre-cancerous changes known as dysplasia. Dysplasia (which is abnormal cells on the cervix) can be categorised using cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN) classification (see Appendix 2). For this reason it is important that women have regular smears as early detection of cervical abnormalities can initiate treatment before cancer develops (Patient UK 2010). There are two types of cervical cancers: squamous cell carcinoma and adenocarcinoma. Squamous cell carcinoma is the most common form of cervical cancer and accounts for 80- 90% of cervical cancers. Squamous cell carcinoma invades the squamous epithelium of the ectocervix (Dunleavey 2009). The other form of cervical cancer is adenocarcinoma, although less common as it accounts for only 10% in all cases it is considered to be the more severe than squamous cell carcinoma. (Dunleavy 2009, What is cervical cancer? 2011). Moreover the cervical smear is not designed to detect adenocarcinoma, however is mainly intended at detecting the early changes of squamous cell carcinoma (Poulsen 2005).As cervical cancer progresses slowly it may be asymptomatic, however as it advances the symptoms such as irregular bleeding, bleeding or pain after sexual intercourse and increased discharge may be a sign of cervical cancer Smeltzer et al (2009). According to Shiffman et al (1993) there is strong evidence to suggest that Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) causes cervical cancer, with types 16 and 18 deemed to be strongly associated with cervical cancer. Other risk factors include, smoking, number of sexual partners, age of first intercourse and use of oral contraceptives (Cancer Research UK 2009b). Internal Barriers From the literature it is apparent that internal barriers such as , beliefs, attitudes, embarrassment, and lack of knowledge have an influence on the uptake of cervical screening in ethnic minorities (Doyle 1991, Naish et al 1994, Box 1998, Thomas et al 2005, Abdullahi 2009). There seems to be a consensus about beliefs and attitudes of ethnic minority women and cervical screening. Naish et al (1994) investigated factors that deter women from attending there GP for cervical screening. A focus group of women from Turkish, Kurdish, Bengali, Chinese, Vietnamese, Punjabi and Urdu speaking women was conducted. It was found that most of the women shared fatalistic beliefs about cervical cancer. It was noted that if you have it, then that is it and it would be better if were detected early (Naish et al 1994, p.1127). Similarly a more recent study by Abdullahi et al (2009) also found Somali women had fatalistic beliefs about cervical cancer; however these beliefs stemmed from a religious view rather than a cultural view as described in Naish et al (1994). Using a purposive sample, Abdullahi et al (2009) recruited Somali women from Camden. Somali women commonly believed that cervical cancer was the will of God. This belief is further supported by participants in Box (1998) and Thomas et al (2005) study. Box (1998) aimed to seek the views and experiences of black and minority ethnic (BME) women on smear test screening for cervical cancer. The findings showed attitudes and beliefs about cervical cancer were linked with promiscuity and seen as a punishment from God. A woman in Boxs study (1998, p.7 ) stated cancer , yes it happens here, not with us we stay with our men. Therefore for some ethnic minority women there is a chance of being culturally and religiously stigmatised as a result of the belief that cervical screening is only appropriate for those who are promiscuous. For most ethnic minorities with strong religious and cultural backgrounds there is a high importance attached to how women should behave when not married. The commitment to religion in ethnic minorities especially those from a Muslim and Christian background means for most women they have to maintain their virginity until married otherwise may be exposed to social consequences (Shripinda 2010). For example in Moroccan and Turkish groups women found to have lost their virginity can be killed in what is known as honour killing (Shripinda 2010). This view is still strongly upheld. Young Pakistani, Arabic and Greek orthodox females expressed resilient views on keeping the virginal state when entering marriage (Thomas et al 2005). Thomas et als (2005) study revealed young Pakistani women suggested they would go for a cervical screening only if the screener was not from their cultural background as they feared of being found out. Likewise in Boxs study (1998), sexually active unmarried wom en were afraid their doctor or receptionist could not be trusted as to the reason why they attended the GP. The unanimity on beliefs and attitudes towards cervical cancer is not shared across all types of ethnic groups of women. Interestingly the views of African women beliefs about cervical cancer are derived from superstition (Thomas et al, 2005). The African women in Thomas et als study (2005) believed cervical cancer was a taboo and that to mention cancer might cause the cancer to manifest. Furthermore cervical cancer was seen as a taboo more than other types of cancers. The evidence above provides a strong link between ethnic minorities cultural and religious beliefs as a barrier in cervical screening. Another concern over cervical screening was the issue of embarrassment. The cervical smear test is invasive and for most ethnic women the procedure can be physically and psychologically uncomfortable (Box 1998, Abdullahi et al 2009). The issue of embarrassment is particularly important to Somali women. For them the issue of embarrassment arises from female gender mutilation (FGM). WHO (2010) explains FGM as the total or partial removal of the external female genitalia. FGM in most cultures is as result of both cultural, religious and refers to back to the ideology of maintaining premarital virginity. For some Somali women there is the anticipation of embarrassment as result of the reaction from the doctor or nurse taking the samples (Abdullahi et al 2009). Consequently Abdullahi et al (2009) brings an understanding as to how FGM acts as a deterrence for Somali women in cervical screening. These studies (Naish et al 1994, Box 1998, Thomas et al 2005, Abdullahi 2009) have the use of focus groups in common. Though this suggests the appropriate use of focus groups in the study, it has its limitations. Parahoo (2006) states the disadvantage of focus groups is that dominant personalities can control the discussions. This was evident in Naish et al (1994), where it was noted that both Turkish and Kurdish women interacted spontaneously and informally compared to the other ethnic groups of women. This can affect the credibility of the study as the views of ethnic women perhaps only reflected those from Turkish and Kurdish backgrounds and not everyone else. Furthermore focus groups are not effective compared with in-depth interview in dealing with sensitive topics. For example in Abdullahis study (2009) the issue of promiscuity was discussed with discomfort. This presents one of the prime issues within focus groups, where participants may feel less inclined to discuss sensitive issues out of fear of scrutiny and criticism from others within the group. This is reinforced by Groups Plus (2003) who states that sensitive topics are easily discussed if participants in the group all share the same problem. The lack of knowledge of cervical screening is often prevalent in ethnic minority groups. Box (1998) identifies that there were misconceptions about the purpose of screening. Similarly Abdullahi et al (2009) found that Somali women failed to recognise the importance of cervical screening. This supports a previous study by Doyle (1991) which identified ethnic minorities unawareness of both the importance and existence of cervical screening. Somali women disregarded cervical screening because there was no cervical screening in Somalia; the concept of preventative health was also unfamiliar. The concept of preventative health is unaccustomed in some cultures. Doyle (1991) suggests in the Asian communities the reliance on folk medicines meant screening was outside the traditional views of healing. The disregard towards preventative health is perhaps underpinned by religious beliefs. Thomas et al (2005) found that many ethnic groups felt it was important to turn to religion as a form of c oping emotionally. There was a consensus amongst the groups that if things are left with God he resolves the problem. Despite the lack of knowledge of cervical screening amongst ethnic groups, other groups are more knowledgeable. Guajarati women in Boxs study (1998) were the only ones aware that cervical screening is able to detect pre-cancerous cells. Thomas et al (2005) found African groups were more able to identify cervical cancer as a commonly occurring cancer within their community. However age has an influential role on the amount knowledge that is embedded. Younger African-Caribbean participants had the least knowledge about cancer as there was a perception cancer affected older people (Thomas et al 2005). It appears that Thomas et als study (2005) has a methodological weakness. In their study they aimed to describe factors that act as barriers to effective uptake of breast and cervical screening. However the sample may not be representative of the target population as the sample consisted of men. Since men do not partake in breast and cervical screening, their inclusion may have distorted the findings, therefore reduces the transferability and credibility of the study. Regardless of this, Thomas et als (2005) study shows the significance in the link between age and lack of knowledge in cervical cancer. The lack of knowledge amongst ethnic minorities perhaps was as a result of language difficulties. If they were able to communicate and comprehend information they received then this could enhance their understanding and knowledge of cervical screening. The majority of ethnic women declared that translated information in their languages was often inadequate and difficult to make sense of (Naish et al 1994, Abdullahi 2009, Thomas et al 2005, Box 1998). The translated information was not only seen as a problem, but for some ethnic minority women who were illiterate translated information was still perplexing. As a result there was a preference for being told about the cervical test in their own languages rather than reading a translated script (Box 1998). External Barriers One major external barrier that was very frequently much expressed was the gender of the GP or screener. There were conceptions that if it was male practitioners that did the screening then women are less likely to uptake cervical screening. Some women in Boxs study (1998) felt that their bodies should only be seen by their husbands and it were adamant that the smear taker should be a female. Similarly Somali women, felt that as Muslim, women having a male practitioner taking the smears is inappropriate. Abdullahi et als (2009) study is significant in identifying and providing solutions to the barriers that discourages Somali women from up taking up cervical screening. This study is commended well on its originality as mentioned by Abdullahi (2009), and this was the only study investigating barriers to cervical screening that was found that focused on the views of Somali women. Conducting a study on Somali women brings new knowledge to this area of research as the Somali community do not lend themselves to research because they are seen to be invisible compared to other Muslim ethnic minorities (Information centre about Asylum and Refugees ( ICAR) 2004).However, Naish et al (1994) found that both Kurdish and Turkish women did not mind male practitioners, as they are used to male doctors in their home countries. Nonetheless it appeared that a female practitioner still had more favour compared to that of a male practitioner. From the evidence the preference for a female doctor is not only due to cultural or religious views but also due to the lack of understanding and insensitivity that male doctors display towards ethnic women having cervical smears. This is particularly demonstrated in Box et als study (1998, p.7) where a women stated the doctor was cross with me when I asked for the forceps (speculum) to be warmed, how would he feel if it was him? However Thomas et al (2005) suggests that this poor relationship between practitioners and patients was due to poor communication skills. In Thomas et als (2005) study BME women identified that the attitudes portrayed by their GP was very discouraging and at times it felt as if their GPs did not want them to be there. Moreover the issue of racism is problematic for ethnic minority women. For example in Box (1998) some of the Asian women were cited as being treated coldly by the smear taker because of their race. Health advocates noticed BME women were treate d less favourably than white women and when smears were taken they were provided with less comfort (Box 1998). Childcare issues also play an influential part in preventing ethnic women in up taking cervical smears. Naish et al (1994) found with many women, having children in the same room was very distracting. This view was also supported by Somali women who indicated the lack of childcare facilities was a barrier in attending cervical screening (Abdullahi et al 2009). There is a link between the perceived lack of sterility of equipment and the uptake of cervical screening. The views expressed by some ethnic women were that the speculum was not hygienic and that this could be a cause of cervical cancer instead of the association with HPV (Box 1998). One woman expressed the following concern; the cancer might be there [in the clinic] you never know they need to cover it with water, wash it all away Ive never seen them do that (Box 1998 , p.g 9). The view is also reiterated in Naish et als (1994) study, where Chinese women were adamant that the use of unsterile equipment could induce infections. This demonstrates how important the lack of knowledge amongst ethnic minorities can affect the uptake of cervical smears. Interventions that increase cervical screening Interventions that increase cervical screening such as health promotion, education, invitations, psychological interventions and media interventions are examined below. Kernohan (1996) investigated the effectiveness of community-based intervention to improve knowledge on the uptake of breast and cervical screening. The sample consisting of 1000 women from different ethnic backgrounds were involved in a health promotion intervention. The study focused on Bradfords main minority ethnic women (South Asian) and was concerned with the impact of health education programmes on the knowledge of cervical screening in South Asian women. Compared to the other ethnic groups South Asian women had the lowest level of knowledge on cervical smears, however their knowledge had considerably improved from 35.8% to 68.7% after the intervention. Kernohan (1996) study is noteworthy for depicting a positive correlation between health promotion and knowledge of cervical screening. However as this study was a pilot study this area of research would require further work in order to provide robust evidence. Furthermore kernohan (1996) did not look at the impact of increased k nowledge on the subsequent rate of uptake. Evidence from Abdullahi et al (2009) and Naish et al (1994) suggest that addressing barriers which deter women from having cervical smears can be used as interventions to increase cervical smear rates. The lack of knowledge of cervical screening is an apparent barrier in most ethnic women and a proposed solution would be to increase the levels of knowledge of cervical screening. Abdullahi et al (2009) suggests that education about the purpose of cervical screening is key to encouraging Somali women to attend for cervical screening. However, suggesting such solutions to overcome barriers to cervical screening without trial may be futile, since without some testing the solutions there remains a gap in understanding the impact of the intervention suggested by Abdullahi et al (2009). More importantly Sabates and Feinstein (2006) investigated the role of education on the uptake of preventative health care, in this case cervical screening. Sabates and Feinstein (2006) suggest that educational effects on the uptake of preventative health results in raising the awareness of and the importance of having a regular health check and therefore the inclination to uptake preventative health checks. The study found that women enrolled in courses or training leading to qualifications had a positive impact on the probability of the uptake of cervical smears. Sabates and Feinsteins (2006) study provides further support to the socio-economic determinants of the uptake of screening. However, the effectiveness of this particular intervention is limited as women within ethnic minorities tend to not achieve the accolades of adult learning as a result of cultural demands. According to YWCA (2011) some black minority ethnic women are missing from the school register and are pulled out of school as a result of family duties to marital commitment. A systematic review conducted by Forbes et al (2009) reviewed interventions targeted at women to encourage the uptake of cervical screening. It concluded that invitation letters and educational materials were the most effective types of interventions. However evidence from Stein et al (2002) suggests that invitation letters were not effective. Stein et al (2006) investigated the effectiveness of three methods of inviting women with a long history of non -attendance to undergo cervical screening. The methods of invitation were a telephone call from a nurse, a letter from a well-known celebrity and letter from the local NHS Cervical Screening Commissioner. A telephone call and a letter from a celebrity were ineffective. A letter from the commissioner resulted in a small increase in the uptake of cervical screening this was not statistically significant. Although Stein et al (2006) findings contradict that of Forbes et al (2009), this does not nullify the results of Forbes et als (2009) study. The findings from Stein et al (2005) highlight one of the limitations of doing a single study. Egger et al (2001) argues a single study often fails to detect a statistically significance between interventions when in fact such difference may exists, therefore are more likely to produce false negative results. Moreover, in the hierarchy of evidence for interventions, systematic reviews are at the top as they are more likely to produce a strong and less-biased synthesis of findings that to show whether the intervention has an effective outcome (Melnyk and Fineout-Overholt 2010) . For this reason Forbes et al (2009) has a more valuable contribution towards knowledge on the interventions that increase the uptake of cervical screening. The NHS cervical screening programme (2011) highlights that encouraging women through reminders such as invitation letters is exceptionally important; this may not be as effective in motivating ethnic minority women to attend cervical screening. Some ethnic minority women are more likely to ignore invitation letters if translation is unavailable ( Naish et al 1994). On the other hand, there is a link between planning when, where and how of making an appointment and the success rate in uptake of cervical screening. This is referred to as implementation intentions the initiation of behaviour is determined if the conditions when, where and how are planned (Bartholomew et al 2011).This was demonstrated by Sheeran and Orbell (2000) who tested the concept of implementation intentions as a method to increase non-attendance in cervical screening. It was found that the participants who produced implementation intentions were much more likely to attend for a cervical smear test compared to th e control group. This demonstrates how empowering women to have more control on the choices in arranging their appointments can significantly encourage the uptake of cervical screening. This supports Abdullahi et al s (2009) study where it was identified that inconvenient appointment times were also considered to be a barrier. Consequently the use of implementation intention as an intervention is noteworthy of encouraging ethnic women to uptake cervical screening. Furthermore, an area of research that would increase existing knowledge is to investigate implementation intentions on ethnic minority women and subsequent uptake of cervical smears, in order to provide strong evidence for such intervention. The media has potentially an important role on the uptake of cervical screening. Howe et al (2002) investigated the impact of a television soap opera on the NHS cervical screening programme. Using a retrospective analysis on information of the NHS cervical screening databases, during the 6 month of the storyline, the number of smears performed in women whose previous smears were compared to women who had smears taken previously that year. The storyline involved a character that missed her regular screening appointments; later she was diagnosed with cervical cancer and 6 weeks later she died. Howe et al (2002) found that there were substantial increases in the number of cervical smears- from 65 714 in 2001, to 79,712 in 2002, 19 weeks after the storyline. This demonstrates a significant link between the effects of media in motivating women to take up cervical screening. In support is the impact of a celebrity profile on uptake of cervical screening. The media coverage of Jade Goody fr om diagnosis of cervical cancer till death has been an influential motive for some women to uptake cervical screening. Parkers (2010) reports that, since the media coverage of Jade Goodys case, figures from NHS Rotherham showed an 80% improvement rate in the uptake of cervical screening. Discussion From reviewing the literature it is apparent that increasing the uptake of cervical screening amongst ethnic minority women poses a challenging problem. Ethnic minority women are faced with internal and external barriers that play an important role on their non- attendance for cervical screening. It appears the internal and external barriers are interrelated. For instance the issue of embarrassment may arise as a result of being screened by a male practitioner, as well as FGM particularly in the case of Somali women as stated earlier. Moreover the culturally sensitive issues such as the loss of virginity still pays a price tag in many cultures and the stigmatisation attached towards it means some young ethnic minority women might feel reluctant to take up cervical smears. Needless to say the extent to which a barrier act as a deterrent to the uptake of cervical screening is very much culturally dependent. Women from African cultures see cervical cancer as a taboo, where as in Asian cultures cervical cancer is perceived as a disease for those who are promiscuous. Additionally, the cultural attitudes and beliefs may be a stronger barrier than child care issues for some ethnic minority women, whilst the sterility of equipment may have a stronger influence than the issue of embarrassment. The lack of knowledge was the most common barrier that was revealed and it appears this has not changed over the years amongst ethnic minority groups ( Box 1998, Thomas et al 2005 , Abdullahi et al 2009). From evaluating the interventions, it remains substantial that socioeconomic factors (lack of knowledge and education) are predictors in determining ethnic minority women attendance for cervical screening. For this reason, it would be beneficial for communities where ethnic minorities are prevalent to have health promotion projects that produce the awareness of cervical screening (kernohan 1996). There was sufficient evidence to suggest language difficulties as an important factor in deterring ethnic minority women from the uptake of cervical screening. Though research has not tested the effect of bilingual services as an intervention to increase cervical screening, an area in practice that needs room for improvement is the use bilingual services and bilingual interpreters in the cervical screening recall system. Forbes et al (2009) research supports the use of invitation letters as an intervention to improve the uptake of cervical screening and currently still remains the most popular intervention used. Therefore a recommendation for practice would be for invitation letters to be printed in the languages of ethnic minorities. What was interesting and surprising, was the issue of racism as a barrier to the uptake of cervical screening. The ethnic minority often experience health inequalities as a result of racism, karlsen (2007) reports racism can lead to differences in treatment and access to health promoting resources for the ethnic minority. This was reflected in Box (1998) where Asian women expressed their concerns of being treated coldly and treated indecently as a result of their race. This area highlights the need for a change within the health services offered to ethnicity minorities in the UK. More importantly a contribution to research would be to tackle racism as an intervention to encourage ethnic minority women in the uptake of cervical screening (Szczepura 2005). Furthermore training needs to be put in place for health professionals to understand and embrace the forms of cultural and religious beliefs amongst ethnic minorities in order to reduce prejudice and discriminatory practices. This would be particularly important to women from ethnic minorities where FGM is seen as a custom practice. Denniston et al (2001) states FGM continues to take place in many cultures around the world; health practitioners and screeners need to be taught to take a sensitive and a considerable approach when screening women with FGM. Sheeran and Orbells study (2000) makes a positive contribution towards the issue of improving the uptake of cervical screening in women from ethnic minority groups. The use of implementation intentions seemed to have an effect on women in their attendance for cervical screening. Implementation intentions would be advantageous for some ethnic minority women. Planning when, where and how an appointment would address some of the barriers identified, including the gender of the screener, ensuring that a bilingual interpreter was present, so if needed information given could be clarified. Thomas et al (2005) implies that the planning of an appointment for ethnic minority groups, especially for those with religious festivals is important. Ethnic women given the chance to decide when their appointment should take place would eradicate inconveniences such as being invited for screening during Ramadan. However further research would be necessary to establish the effectiveness as well as the c ost-effectiveness of using implementation intentions amongst ethnic minority women and the uptake of cervical screening. To conclude, this literature review examined how to increase the uptake of cervical screening amongst ethnic minority women in the UK. The evidence discussed in this review has explored the internal barriers and external barriers that deter ethnic women in the uptake of cervical screening. It is hard to change peoples behaviour because of what we believe in and how this has shaped our social norms and values. Therefore to increase the uptake of cervical screening amongst ethnic minority groups remains complex and inconclusive. With the evidence examined in this review, the interventions (health promotion, education, implementation intentions, invitation letters and the media) to improve the attendance and uptake of cervical screening noticeably have an influential impact in encourag

For Another Mans Freedom :: essays research papers

For Another Man's Freedom "All men are created equal", but the men this is pertaining to are not the men losing blood in this battle at Gettysburg. The men losing their lives in this war are men fighting for what they believe in, for the benefit of their suggested equals. Stepping forward, and then looking back; these memories, and the impact these memories have, are not and will never be forgotten. The blood which was shed in this great battle at Gettysburg could never be forgotten. The blood being spoken of by Abraham Lincoln, was thought by many to have recycled into the earth, therefore making that ground sacred; also ascending to heaven. This battle ground and the battle which occurred here is be recognized by the people of United States of America as the "rebirth" of America. The only problem with these thoughts is that these were not the thoughts that were in the heads of the soldiers at the time. During the fighting these soldiers not only did not see this as the rebirth of a nation, but had "forgotten the cause" altogether. I do not believe that these men were necessarily fighting specifically for the rights of the slaves, but rather for the rights of all men including themselves. These men were thought to be "privileged", and at the time I am sure they believed that they were taking part in an inconceivable historical event. I am sure that at that time they did not realize that this would be an ongoing struggle even three-hundred years after their existence. The soldiers entered this battle with great pride, holding their flags high, hoping to make a difference. They did make a clearly substantial impact on their society , but this quest for equality is still being pursued. This fight was not considered the only option at the time, but peaceful talks were always considered. As society knows, peace talks are not always the best way to get through to a person opposing your views. While discussion in hopes of no war exist, war is already being planned within the rights of an individual's mind. In the Killer Angels supplement, the beautiful depiction of the war grounds is harshly interrupted by the grim commencement of the fighting. These men, through their devotion to their country, were proud to stay either until they died, or until the fighting had ceased. Many references to God are made in this Second Inaugural Address, and these references are also made in the Killer Angels. The soldiers in the battle

The Old Man In The Sea(the Relationship Between The Old Man And The Bo :: essays research papers

Under close inspection, people have had a hard time agreeing what to make of Santiago's adventure in The Old Man and the Sea. Is it just a good fish tale? One brave man, one big fish, sounds Biblical, but is it? Are we dealing with allegory, or parable, or fable? If so, what is the parallel narrative, or message, or moral? Different people have arrived at different answers, But I believe that Hemmingway is trying to show the relationship between Manolin and Santiago. How that to the world Manolin can only be one person yet to the world Manolin can mean everything. The act of catching the fish is bound to the act of losing the fish—the red blood released by the mortal blow is the green light for the sharks. Whether he catches the fish or whether the fish snaps the line and escapes, the old man will not be able to bring the meat home. The fish is lost, either way. But the two scenarios are not equal. The man is welcomed back into the esteem of the fishermen, into Manolin's company on the fishing boat, into society, solely because he broke with society and went out "too far", out beyond all others. He gains only by losing. This old man will never again chase marlin for days on end. He won't have to, because for the rest of his days he will have Manolin with him not only physically but mentally because of the fact that he knows Manolin will stick with him no matter what. Even if the odds are against him, and the two of them will catch big, but not giant-sized, marlin with the relative ease known as teamwork. One could also make a case that the old man has neither gained nor learned anything. He did not care when the other fishermen mocked him so why should he care if they praise him? He had Manolin's love before and he has it still, and the love and support of that one special person can mean so much to someone, and give them the confidence to go on. He had been a champion before, as an arm-wrestler, and knew he could be a champion again, as a fisherman even though in Manolin’s eyes he was always a champion. He was right, and has the skeleton to prove it. He had bad luck before he hooked the marlin, and he has bad luck after he kills the marlin.

Russian Immigration Essay -- History Historical Russia Immigrants Essa

Russian Immigration In the 1990s the United States of America was marked with an incredible surge of immigration from the territories of former Soviet Union. â€Å"Liberated† à ©migrà ©s decided to take a chance, leaving everything they had behind in pursuit of a better life. They brought with them education, numerous skills and talents. Their difficulties, however, including a foreign language, their age and inability to quickly adapt their social attitudes to new values, bogged down their feat to succeed in conquering the â€Å"American Dream† (Fox 79). Overcoming aforementioned obstacles, the responsibility of creating own fortunes and great accomplishments is now inherited by the second-generation of immigrants.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Russian immigration has a long history in the United States, dating back to early 1900’s. Successive waves of immigration were triggered by World War I, The Russian Revolution and World War II. During a period of liberalization in the late 1970s and early 1980s, starting with Jackson-Vanik Amendment, Jews were allowed to leave Soviet Union. Even Andropov, the General Secretary of the Communist Party at a time, urged thousands of impoverished Jews to leave USSR (Khazbulatov 7). The regime however refused to allow most educated Jews and for that matter other ethnic groups especially Russian, to emigrate, despite the KGB claim that all individuals wishing to emigrate were free to do so (Khazbulatov 8). Most recently, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and opening of immigration rules, an unprecedented million Russians immigrated to the United States. As evidence, the Russian-speaking population in America surged 254 percent from 1990 to 1998. (Fox 79) This most recent wave of immigration consisted mainly of Jewish refuges, skilled workers, elite scientists and artists. They came to the United States for a variety of reasons, but mostly to escape unbearable living conditions, constituted by a sudden collapse of the Soviet regime. Yegor Gaidar‘s failure of economic reforms to reincarnate Russia led to rising prices, inflation and further penury of its citizens, leading to the rise of social and political unrest (Khazbulatov 56). Anti-Semitic feelings among general population resonated and boomed as ultra-nationalists blamed the Jews for all of the country’s problems (Fox 80). With scientific research halted and productivity decreasing, technologi... ... Works cited Fox, Susan. â€Å"Loss and the Emigration Experience of Jews from the USSR.† Mental Health Workshops 2003: 79-90 Kanaracus, Chris. â€Å"The Unusual Suspects.† Worcester Magazine July 31 – Aug. 6, 2003 : 6-9 Tanner, Adam. â€Å"Pair Evaded Family Academic Legacy to Found Google.† News.com 2003:http://investor.news.com/Engine?Account=cnet&PageName=NEWSREAD&ID=1034455&Ticker=MSFT&SOURCE=N27650200 â€Å"Learning Russian In Moscow at the famous Lomonosov University.† StudyRussian.com 2004: http://studyrussian.com/MGU/russian-education-system.html â€Å"10 Most Influential Russian Americans† Sitebits 2003: http://www.sitebits.com/2003/2003-12-16.html â€Å"Culture-Sensitive Health Care: Russian Jewish Immigrants.† Diversity Resources, Inc. Amherst, MA. 2000: http://www.diversityresources.com/rc04_sample/russian.htm Khasbulatov, Ruslan. Velikaya Rossiskaya Tragediya (â€Å"The Great Russian Tragedy†). Moscow: Too Sims, 1998. Dezhina, Irina, and Graham, Loren. â€Å"Russian Basic Science: Changes Since The Collapse Of The Soviet Union And The Impact Of International Support.† Royal Society London October 22, 2001: http://www.crdf.org/cgi-bin/Conference2001_Papers/GrahamDezhina_paper.htm

Grant v Australian Knitting Mills Essay

The material facts of the case: The underwear, consisting of two pairs of underpants and two siglets was bought by appellant at the shop of the respondents. The retailer had purchased them with other stock from the manufacturer. The appellant put on one suit and by the evening he felt itching on the ankles. Next day a redness appeared on each ankle. The appellant treated himself with calomine lotion but the irritation was such that he scratched the places till be bled. He carried on with the underwear (washed). His skin was getting worse, so he consulted a dermatologist, Dr. Upton, who advised him to discard the underwear which he did. He was confined to bed for a long time. The rash became generalized and very acute. When he felt sufficiently recovered he resumed his medical practice, but soon had a relapse. His condition was so serious that he went into hospital. The illness was most severe, involving acute suffering, and at times Dr. Upton feared that his patient might die. The appellant bought action against th e respondents, claiming damages on the ground that he had contracted dermatitis by reason of the improper condition of underwear (presence of an irritating chemical – free sulphite, in the cuffs or ankle ends) purchased by him from the respondents, John Martin & Co., Ld., and manufactured by the respondents, the Australian Knitting Mills, Ld. Judgements/opinions in the case: 1) In their Lordships’ judgement the retailers are liable in contract of sale. The facts set out show negligence in manufacture. If excess sulphites  were left in garment, that could only be because someone was at fault and the appellant is not required to lay his finger on the exact person who was responsible, or to specify what he did wrong. 2) The decision treats negligence, where there is a duty to take care. In Donoghue’s case the duty was deduced simply from the facts relied upon: article issued to the world, used by the party in the state in which it was prepared and issued without it being changed in any way and without there being any warning of, or means of, detecting, the hidden danger. There was no personal intercourse between the maker and the user; but the duty is personal, because it is inter partes (between parties), it needs no interchange of words, spoken or written, or signs of offer or assent. The want of care and the injury are in essence directly and intimately connected. The word ‘control’ in D. case is used to emphasise the essential factor that the consumer must use the article exactly as it left the maker, and used it as it was intended to be used (control, of the maker, until it is used – artificial, because they parted with all the control when they sold the article). 3) In D. case can only be applied when the defect is hidden and unknown to the consumer. The presence of the deleterious chemicals in the pants, due to negligence in manufacture, was a hidden and latent defect, just as much as the remains of the snail in the opaque bottle: it could not be detected by any examination that could reasonably be made. Nothing happened between the making of the garments and their being worn to change their condition. The garments were made by the manufacturers for the purpose of being worn exactly as they were worn in fact by the appellant: it was not contemplated that they should be first washed. 4) D. was a case of food/drink to be consumed internally, but there is no distinction. The garments were made to be worn next to skin. Lord Atkin specifically puts as examples of what is covered by the principle he is enunciating things operating externally, such as ‘an ointment, a soap, a cleaning fluid or cleaning powder.’ 5) The decision in D. essentially depended on the point that the article should reach the consumer or user subject to the same defect as it had when it left the manufacturer, and this was true for garment.

Peer review on leadership Essay

The journal article that was selected selected explored the possible influences of situational moderators on the effectiveness of Transformational Leadership. It is one of several articles found to be focused on this type of leadership and its relationship to employee motivation. By definition, transformation leadership involves the practice of altering the thoughts and attitudes of employees or subordinates to motivate them to perform beyond what is expected of them (Bass, 1985). The journal article â€Å"Follower Motive Patterns as Situational Moderators for Transformational Leadership Effectiveness† (Goodwin, Whittington, & Wofford, 2001) argued that the effects of transformational leadership outcomes could be determined by situational factors. Whereas other areas of leadership research had been explored on such situational aspects, the authors stated that there is a lack of research on situational determinants for Transformational leadership. To be specific, they identified subordinate motive factors such as growth need strength and need for autonomy as the independent factors for their study based on a brief but relevant literature review. They hypothesized that these two factors would have positive significant correlations with transformational leadership effectiveness. Their method consisted of having participants (managers and subordinates) from a U. S. government engineering services agency answer several scaled questionnaires. These included the Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire-5X (MLQ), a 5-point scale assessment of leader effectiveness, Job Description Index (JDI), growth need strength assessment scale developed by Hackman and Oldham (1974 in Goodwin, et al 2001) and the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (EPPS) by Edwards (1953 in Goodwin, et al 2001). The researches used multiple regression analyses and within-and-between analysis WABA) to generate the results of their study. The findings showed that when the growth need strength was high, groups of subordinates were assessed to be more effective by leaders who were rated as transformational. Similarly, leaders assessed as transformational appraised their groups as more effective when the need for autonomy was high. These results supported the authors’ hypothesis which led them to conclude that situational moderators such as individual motive patterns indeed have influence over the effectiveness of transformational leadership. The study was a significant contribution to the idea that transformational leadership could be integrated to other paradigms. While the study was limited to only two potential situational moderators, the researches gave strong indications that there could be other situational factors such as task, group, and organizational characteristics that could be examined in future research undertakings.

The Paradox of Morgan le Fay

In Arthurian legend and Celtic myths, Morgan le Fay takes on a wide range of identities and personas – she is sister, sorceress, wise mother, implacable nemesis, and later, grieving goddess – making her one of the most paradoxical and dynamic characters in lore and literature. Charlotte Spivack notes in Popular Arthurian Traditions that Morgana le Fay, beautiful and nurturing, first appears in the works of Geoffrey of Monmouth, as one of â€Å"the nine sisters of the holy isle of Avalon† (18). In some texts, she is sister or half-sister to the King Arthur, and in other literature, it is he with whom she begets a child, Morgan (Joe). She is a benevolent figure in the earlier British romantic verses, and it is her remarkable healing powers that make her so. In The Grail from Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol, Arthurian scholar Roger Looms notes that â€Å"There is no attribute of Morgan's better authenticated than her power of healing† (161). In later literature, her identity starts to change and she is portrayed as â€Å"a malicious master of the black arts† (Spivack 18). Maureen Fries notes, in â€Å"Female Heroes, Heroines and Counter-Heroes: Images of Women in Arthurian Tradition† that her degeneration in the later retellings of the myths stems from society’s changing outlook, as her traits start as noble skills of a goddess, and then morphs into the destructive magic of witches and sorceresses (13). Her powers and her role center towards the destruction of King Arthur, and she comes up with several elaborate ploys to kill him, all of which fail, not for want of clever and diabolic planning, but of fate, as in the case of the assassin she sent, whose horse trips on a hole (Spivack 31). However, she reverts to her nurturing goddess role, again playing the role of healer and protector to King Arthur, whose fate ultimately leads him, in his final moments, to her grieving care in the isle of Avalon (Fries 13). Although portraying a range of roles and intentions, it is the contradictions of Morgan le Fay that make her resonate in the Arthurian legends. Works Cited Fries, Maureen. â€Å"Female Heroes, Heroines and Counter-Heroes: Images of Women in Arthurian Tradition.† Popular Arthurian Traditions. Ed. Sally K. Slocum. Bowling Green, OH: Popular Press, 1992. Joe, Jimmy. â€Å"Morgan Le Fay.† Timeless Myths: Arthurian Women. 24 June 1999. 03 May 2008. ;http://www.timelessmyths.com/arthurian/women.html#Morgan;. Loomis Roger Sherman. The Grail from Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol. New York: Columbia University Library, 1965. Spivack, Charlotte. â€Å"Morgan le Fay: Goddess or Witch?† The Company of Camelot: Arthurian Characters in Romance and Fantasy. Eds. Charlotte Spivack and Roberta Lynne Staples. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1994.

Thorn Queen Chapter Eleven

Along with Ysabel, Dorian sent me back with some shipments of food on credit. I almost would have thought he was trying to soften the blow of me being stuck with her, except Dorian was the type who would actually enjoy the thought of us having an uncomfortable trip. He would get a kick out of knowing how irritated I was and probably regretted he couldn't be there to witness our interactions. Nonetheless, I mitigated the discomfort by riding at the head of my group, sticking Ysabel all the way in the back behind my guards and Dorian's servants. Shaya was understandably surprised when we arrived back. I left her to distribute the food and deal with Ysabel. â€Å"Put her somewhere. Anywhere,† I said. â€Å"It doesn't matter to me.† â€Å"But why†¦why is she even here? That's Dorian's mistress.† â€Å"Oh, yes,† I said, watching as a scowling Ysabel stepped aside for the rest of the entourage spilling into my castle. I kind of took offense at the sneer she gave my residence, despite the fact that I knew it was in disarray compared to those of other monarchs. â€Å"Believe me, I know she is.† Shaya seemed mollified and distracted enough by Dorian's gifts that I was able to slip away without too much argument. I made the crossing back to my world, not even bothering to change clothes before I went. When I finally got back to my own house, I had the pleasant surprise of finding Kiyo lying on the couch. Three cats slept on the couch's back while one rested on its arm. The fifth lay sprawled across Kiyo's stomach. â€Å"That,† he said, â€Å"is a great dress. Smells a little like horse, though.† I glanced down at the purple silk dress, which was holding up remarkably well considering all the dust and sweat it had been subjected to today. â€Å"It was part of a diplomatic outreach.† â€Å"Dorian, huh?† â€Å"What was your first clue?† â€Å"The slit.† I headed across the living room, toward the hall that led to the other side of the house. â€Å"I'm hitting the shower. You want to go to Texas with me afterward?† Kiyo straightened up, spooking a couple of the cats. â€Å"Is that like a new restaurant? Or do you mean the state?† â€Å"State. I have to go talk to those two shamans that Roland told me about.† I glanced at a clock. â€Å"We'd probably have to stay overnight.† He considered. â€Å"If we can be back by noon tomorrow, I'll do it.† I assured him we could and then left to shower away the day's dirt. Miraculously-and a little disappointingly-Kiyo didn't come harass me while I cleaned up. He had a tendency to show up while I was showering and offer to â€Å"help† clean me off. Conscious of our time, he let me be, and a half-hour later, we were ready to hit the road. Yellow River was just over the Texas border, making it about a four-hour drive if we kept a little over the speed limit. Kiyo liked to drive-I think it was some manly instinct-so I let him. We stuck to casual topics, which allowed my mind to wander to the Otherworldly affairs on my plate. The whole stress of running and caring for a kingdom still weighed upon me, but I had the comfort of knowing I'd done what I could and that Shaya would manage the rest. That was her job. We both knew it, and she would perform her duties excellently. I needed to stop stressing about that. The missing girls†¦well, those were my problem. At least, I'd made them my problem. Meeting with these shamans in Yellow River would hopefully shed light on that situation, so until I saw them, there was no point in worrying about that either. Ysabel†¦yes, well, that was something worth worrying about. I'd just let a viper into my household and took some comfort in realizing that my reluctance to stay the night in my castle would probably save me from being smothered in my sleep. If I'd had my way, I would package her up and send her straight back to the Oak Land. My stupid promise bound me. Maybe she did have something useful to teach me, but I had no evidence that she'd actually try to be helpful. She'd probably just glare the whole time, no doubt paranoid I wanted to move in on Dorian†¦. Dorian. I sighed. He was a problem, one I kept thinking would go away but didn't. I needed him, and we both knew it. So long as I did, he was going to use that as leverage to keep seeing me and taunting me. For the most part, that annoyed me. I hated being part of his games. Yet, at the same time, there was always something irresistible about Dorian, something that made me laugh in spite of the exasperation he so often caused. And, yeah†¦I hated to admit it, but no matter how much I loved Kiyo, and no matter how much I'd washed my hands of the romance between Dorian and me, there was still a part of me that would probably always be attracted to him. Our night together still haunted my dreams. His hand on me earlier today had woken a lot of those feelings, and I couldn't help but imagine again how easy it would have been for him to slide that hand up my leg†¦. â€Å"Eugenie?† â€Å"Huh?† Kiyo's voice startled me out of my indecent thoughts. â€Å"What are you thinking about? You have the weirdest look on your face.† â€Å"Oh, well, I†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I was totally astonished when the next words burst out of my mouth. â€Å"How come we never have any foreplay?† Kiyo's hold on the steering wheel momentarily faltered, and I feared we'd run off onto the shoulder. He quickly regained control. â€Å"What are you talking about? Of course we have foreplay. Remember that thing I did with the honey last week?† â€Å"Yeah, I guess. But that's more the exception than the norm. We always just kind of jump right into it.† â€Å"You never really seem to mind.† He had a point. â€Å"No†¦I mean, it's always good. It'd just be nice to†¦I don't know. Expand our horizons.† â€Å"I'm okay with that,† he said after several thoughtful moments. â€Å"I'm up for anything. It's just my†¦well, instincts, I guess, that tend to drive me right toward the main attraction.† I knew what he meant. The problem with spending part of your life as an animal was that you picked up some of their traits. Foxes in the wild didn't really devote a lot of time to foreplay. â€Å"I don't really mind. I'm just saying that I'd like to shake it up.† He fell silent for a while. Finally, he asked, â€Å"Does this have anything to do with Dorian?† â€Å"Why do you say that?† I asked blandly. â€Å"I don't know. More instinct.† His dark eyes narrowed as they focused on the road. â€Å"I'm not stupid, you know. I know you slept with him.† I jerked my head in surprise, unable to attempt any sort of denial. I'd never technically lied to Kiyo about what had happened with Dorian, but seeing as we'd been broken up at the time, I'd never really felt the need to go into detail. â€Å"How do you†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I couldn't finish the question. Kiyo gave me a rueful smile. â€Å"Dorian used to watch you like a starving man who wants meat. Now he looks at you like he wants seconds.† I didn't say anything. No response came to mind. â€Å"It's okay,† continued Kiyo almost amiably. â€Å"I know it happened when we were apart. What's past is past-so long as it doesn't mess with our present.† It was rather magnanimous of him, and I felt both grateful and guilty. â€Å"It's in the past,† I agreed. â€Å"It has nothing to do with anything anymore.† The first shaman Roland had directed us to was a guy named Art. Like Roland and me, Art lived in his own piece of suburbia, in a large house that hardly looked like it belonged to someone who battled spirits and gentry. The sides were painted a sunny yellow, and the yard-which bore the signs of daily tending-was even ringed with a white picket fence. I could hear children playing down the street. In fact, Art himself was out in the yard, weeding flower beds as the afternoon light turned orange. I pegged his age around thirty or so. A red snake tattoo coiled around one of his arms while a stylized raven showed on the other. No doubt there were more under his shirt. He glanced up and smiled when we stopped beside him on the house's sidewalk. â€Å"You must be Eugenie,† he said, standing up. He brushed dirt off his gloves and looked apologetic. â€Å"I'd shake hands, but†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I smiled back. â€Å"No problem. This is Kiyo.† The two men exchanged nods of greeting, and Art directed us around the side of the house. â€Å"Roland said you wanted to chat, right? How about we sit down in the back? Let me clean up, and I'll go get us something to drink.† Kiyo and I followed his direction and found ourselves sitting at a cute, umbrella-covered table in a backyard even more lush than the front. Though a bit more humid, Yellow River's climate wasn't that far off from Tucson's, so I could only imagine the amount of water and labor it took to maintain this greenery. A funny thought came to me, and I couldn't help but laugh. â€Å"What?† asked Kiyo. He'd been watching a hummingbird dance around a red-flowered bush that flanked the house. â€Å"I was thinking I need Art to come do landscaping in the Thorn Land.† â€Å"I think that might blow your cover.† â€Å"Likely. I don't even know if he crosses over very much.† â€Å"If he does, it's probably only a matter of time before he finds out and tells Roland. Actually, it's only a matter of time before anyone does that.† I made a face. Roland knew a lot of shamans, all around the country. â€Å"Yeah, I know.† Art stepped out through the back patio, gloves gone and a new shirt on. He set down a small cooler, carefully sliding the glass and its screen shut again. The drapes hanging on the other side of the patio were blue and purple watercolors laced with silvery threads that I envied after my own had been ripped up by a storm I'd inadvertently caused. Between his excellent decor and yard, I was feeling like a lame homeowner. He opened the cooler. â€Å"I didn't know what you wanted, so I brought some options.† The cooler revealed an assortment of pop and beer. Kiyo opted for the latter; I took the former. The hot summer afternoon had cooled down to a pleasant temperature, and the shadows cast by the trees helped too. The memory of the hot journey to Dorian's was still with me, though, and I drank my Coke gratefully. â€Å"This is a great yard,† I said. â€Å"Wish I had the patience. Mine's kind of a rock garden.† Art grinned, crinkling up the lines around his eyes. They were an azure blue that stood out against his sun-weathered skin. â€Å"But that's fashionable up there, isn't it?† â€Å"Yeah, kind of. But there's a fine line between a fashionable arrangement of sand and rocks, and, well†¦just a pile of sand and rocks.† He laughed again. â€Å"Well, I'm sure you have better things to do. Roland tells me you're keeping busy now that he's retired.† â€Å"‘Retired' is a dubious term. It's hard for him to sit still, knowing I'm out there doing business by myself.† â€Å"And I hear you've got some business questions to ask me?† Right to the point. I liked that. â€Å"You've got a big crossroads here.† â€Å"I do,† he agreed. â€Å"Keeps me busy.† â€Å"You get a lot of gentry crossing over?† He took a long sip of his beer and considered. â€Å"Well, there are always gentry crossing over.† â€Å"Has there been an unusual amount lately? Girls in particular?† His eyebrows rose in surprise. â€Å"Not that I've noticed. Why do you ask?† â€Å"Following up on a job,† I said vaguely. â€Å"Women cross over all the time, of course,† he mused. â€Å"But men outnumber them. Seeing a surge would be noticeable. Most of my time lately has been spent on exorcisms.† I nodded. Until gentry and Otherworldly creatures had decided they wanted to father my child, spirits had made up the bulk of my business too. That was a normal shaman workload. â€Å"Sorry I can't be of more help,† added Art kindly. I must have looked disappointed. â€Å"You should check with Abigail, though.† â€Å"She's the other one here, right?† â€Å"Yup. We work together sometimes. Maybe she's noticed something I haven't.† I thanked Art for the info, and we spent the next hour or so chatting about assorted things. Art asked questions about Kiyo's background. Roland could sense Kiyo's Otherworldly nature, but Art's blandly polite style made me suspect it wasn't a talent he possessed. Art also wanted to know about my jobs, no doubt curious about my interest in gentry girls. I kept my answers vague, in no way coming close to the fact that I was protecting my subjects. After making our good-byes, we headed off to the second address Roland had given me. Abigail lived in an apartment in downtown Yellow River, very different from Art's homey location. The downtown area was actually more thriving than I would have expected. Yellow River was a small town at the end of the day, but it still had an assortment of interesting shops and restaurants. Abigail's apartment was above an antiques store, and we climbed two flights of rickety stairs to get to her. The mysterious, dusty nature of it all was much more in line with stereotypical shaman images. Indeed, when she answered the door, I suspected she would have met most people's visions of a shaman. She was an older woman, gray hair styled into a long braid down her back. Her loose peasant blouse was patterned in mauve and yellow flowers, and crystal beads hung around her neck. She broke into a beatific smile when she saw us. â€Å"Eugenie! So nice to finally meet you.† She ushered us inside, and I introduced Kiyo. The apartment was beautifully constructed and nicer than its outside suggested-but cluttered with candles and assorted statuary. It made me feel better after Art's immaculate home. The apartment was also filled with cats. I counted at least seven, and all of them looked up at Kiyo's entrance. Four of them got up and rubbed against his legs. â€Å"You've certainly got a way with animals,† noted Abigail. â€Å"I'm a vet,† he explained, giving her a winning smile that tended to make women weak in the knees. Like Art, Abigail sat us down and forced beverages on us, this time in the form of herbal tea. We started with the usual small talk. Abigail was a big fan of Roland and couldn't say enough nice things about the work he did. I couldn't help feeling a little bit of stepdaughterly pride. When we finally got to the issue of gentry girls, though, Abigail didn't have much more to offer than Art had. â€Å"Most of my work is actually along the lines of healing and spirit retrievals,† she explained. Spirit retrieval was itself a form of healing, often done when some entity was plaguing a human in a possession sort of way. I'd done it a few times but was no expert. â€Å"I don't do much in the way of casting out. That's Art's specialty, but that crossroads is so big that he sometimes gets more than he can handle. So, I help out every once in a while.† â€Å"But you haven't noticed a surge of gentry girls?† Abigail shook her head, making the crystal beads click together. â€Å"No, but like I said, I'm not out in the field enough to say for sure. And gentry usually aren't so difficult to cast out†¦. Art tends to handle those on his own and call me in for the entities that are harder for him to get rid of.† She gave me a rueful grin. â€Å"Neither of us is as strong as you or Roland.† I played with my tea bag, wondering how to parse this new information. Was my theory about gentry girls sneaking over here a total bust? Or were they being crafty enough to avoid detection? I usually ended up casting out gentry because they did something troubling that put them on my radar. Gentry girls slipping in among humans wouldn't necessarily attract a lot of attention. We thanked Abigail when we finished our tea and left for our hotel. I'd booked one that sat just on the edge of town. As we walked toward where we'd parked my car on the street, Kiyo declared that he wanted to take it over to a gas station on the corner for both gas and air for the tires. I told him I would walk down there and meet him. I wanted to browse a few of the shops before we called it a night. Poking my head in the little stores gave me a chance to get my mind off the gentry girls and today's disappointing intel. Most of the shops were what you'd expect for a small town. Antiques. Vintage clothing. Crafts. One, however, was a sex-toy shop, and I couldn't help but raise my eyebrows at that. It was surprising in this town. Equally surprising was that I went in and bought something. I met Kiyo at the gas station shortly thereafter. â€Å"Not much in the way of information,† he said as we drove out to the hotel. â€Å"Yeah. I want to check out the crossroads in the morning before we go.† That was the main reason I'd chosen to actually come out to Yellow River in person, rather than simply call with my questions. â€Å"If that doesn't yield anything, we might just have to give this theory up.† Kiyo shook his head, a small smile curling his lovely lips. â€Å"I don't know what to think of you sometimes. You're so annoyed about this whole queen thing, yet here you are, going to a lot of trouble to help these girls.† We reached the hotel and found a parking spot. He turned off the car. â€Å"And let me guess. You want me to stay away from it all?† â€Å"Only inasmuch as it'll keep you safe. But truthfully? What you're doing is great.† The look he gave me showed just how great he thought it was-and how great he thought I was. There was admiration there in his eyes, underscored with something heated and dangerous and wonderful. I might make jokes about his animal intensity, but when channeled into sex and passion†¦well, there was nothing to laugh about. My whole body felt the heat of his gaze, every nerve coming to life. â€Å"Let's go inside,† I said softly. â€Å"Yeah,† he agreed. â€Å"No place I'd rather be.† His hands were on me as soon as we cleared the hotel room's door, reminding me of the first night we'd spent together. He pushed me onto the bed, tearing off my clothes as he did. I wanted to sprawl right there and let him take me-but just barely had enough presence of mind to wriggle away. â€Å"Did you mean what you said earlier?† I asked, my breathing hard. His dark eyes were hungry and impatient. â€Å"If it gets the rest of your clothes off right now, then yes, I stand by whatever I said earlier.† â€Å"About expanding our horizons?† This gave him pause. â€Å"What did you have in mind?† I slipped away from him-no small feat-and produced my purse and the purchase I'd hidden in it: the bag from the sex-toy store. I pulled out a pair of handcuffs. â€Å"Are you serious?† Kiyo asked, not sounding particularly opposed so much as curious. â€Å"That headboard's got a nice spot to lock your wrists in.† I might dream of Dorian restraining me, but right now, it was the thought of me being Kiyo's captor that aroused me. â€Å"Me?† This was a surprise to him too. He hesitated only a moment, though. There was desire and lust radiating from him, and while he might have preferred simply jumping in and having his way with me like usual, the bottom line was that he wanted me, period. One way or another. â€Å"Okay.† He pulled off the rest of his clothes and lay back against the bed's covers, hands stretched up. I paused to admire his body, filled with such strength and power. After removing my own clothing, I leaned over him and fastened one wrist to the headboard. I heard his breath catch as I did, my breasts only a few inches from his face. His other hand immediately went out to my hip and ran up along the side of my body. I pulled away, out of reach. â€Å"Not allowed,† I warned. â€Å"You don't get to call the shots here.† He gave me a saucy grin. Being tied down wasn't in his nature, but he felt bolder with only one hand bound. He was still able to feel in control. â€Å"I've got another hand and two feet,† he pointed out. I smiled sweetly and reached back into the bag. I pulled out three more pairs of handcuffs. His smile faded to astonishment. â€Å"Don't worry,† I said. â€Å"I've got it covered.† I made sure all his hands and feet were locked into place, putting him at my mercy and ensuring he wouldn't do anything I didn't want him to. And as I lowered my hips down near his face, spreading my thighs so that the warmth of his mouth and tongue had no choice but to lick and suck as long as I wanted, I felt smug satisfaction in knowing for certain that I would be the one who got off first tonight.